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The Perils of a Wealth Tax


    Prologue

Standing before many of us is the advent of a wealth tax. It is to be first upon billionaires, but as we all know, it will creep downward, down to millionaires. There is a movement to make it a national tax, with states like New York and California hoping to keep their wealthy from defecting. This is the setting.

The details are where the true horror lies, and the details are the administration of such a tax. This article is about those details. What we propose is that a wealth tax is so complex that our current legislatures are incapable of writing it. Moreover, it opens endless possibilities for fraud, litigation, graft, bribery, and all manner of corruption. Below we give the section headings, so you can skip around as desired.

I’m not supporting the billionaires, because they will find a way to defeat the system. It will be the rest of us, the not-so-wealthy, who will cover the true costs of the wealth tax. Heck, I’m a retired professor and have just enough for my remaining years.

1.     Introduction.

2.     The Challenge of Valuing Wealth

3.     The Birth of a Valuation Industry

4.     Endless Litigation

5.     Corruption and Administrative Discretion

6.     The Rise of Wealth Concealment

7.     Capital Flight and Taxpayer Mobility

8.     Reduced Investment and Entrepreneurship

9.     Taxation Without Liquidity

10.  Administrative Complexity

11.  Political Pressure and Growing Complexity

12.  Distortion of Economic Decisions

13.  Privacy Concerns

14.  Why Revenue May Fall Short of Expectations

15.  The Emergence of a Wealth Concealment Economy

16.  How the Burden May Trickle Down

17.  Historical Experience with Wealth Taxes

18.  Conclusion
References (APA 7th edition)

1.     Introduction

The idea of a national wealth tax has attracted increasing attention in recent years as governments seek new sources of revenue while addressing widening disparities in wealth. Unlike an income tax, which applies to earnings generated during a given period, a wealth tax is imposed on the accumulated value of assets such as real estate, stocks, bonds, privately owned businesses, artwork, jewelry, patents, and other forms of property. Advocates argue that individuals possessing the greatest wealth should contribute a larger share toward financing public services and that such a tax could reduce economic inequality.

At first glance, the concept appears straightforward.  Determine the value of an individual's assets, apply a percentage, and collect the resulting tax. Yet beneath this apparent simplicity lies one of the most administratively challenging forms of taxation ever proposed. Wealth is often difficult to value, highly mobile, legally complex, and remarkably adaptable to changing tax laws. Consequently, a national wealth tax would require an extensive administrative apparatus unlike that required for most existing taxes.

History suggests that taxation rarely changes only government revenue. It also changes human behavior. Individuals, businesses, investors, and financial professionals inevitably adapt to new incentives. Every tax creates opportunities for avoidance, every regulation encourages innovation, and every valuation system invites disagreement. These responses often reduce the effectiveness of the tax while increasing its cost.

The purpose of this essay is not to argue that governments should never tax wealth. Rather, it is to examine the practical difficulties that accompany such proposals. These include subjective asset valuation, the creation of entirely new professions devoted to appraisal and tax planning, increased litigation, opportunities for corruption, the development of sophisticated methods of concealing wealth, capital flight, reduced investment, administrative complexity, and the possibility that much of the economic burden may ultimately fall upon individuals who were never intended to pay the tax directly.

The history of wealth taxation demonstrates that good intentions alone do not guarantee effective public policy. Every tax operates within a complex economic system, and policies designed to affect one group frequently produce unintended consequences extending far beyond their original targets.

2.     The Challenge of Valuing Wealth

The greatest practical obstacle confronting any wealth tax is determining what wealth is actually worth. Unlike wages or salaries, which are recorded through payroll systems, accumulated wealth frequently consists of assets that have no readily observable market price. Publicly traded securities can usually be valued from daily market quotations, but many forms of wealth cannot.

Examples include:


·                 Family businesses

·                 Farms and ranches

·                 Timberland

·                 Mineral rights

·                 Oil and gas leases

·                 Patents

·                 Copyrights

·                 Collectibles

·                 Rare coins

·                 Fine art

·                 Historic autos

·                 Livestock breeding operations

·                 Sports franchises

·                 Intellectual prop

·                 Venture capital


 

Each of these assets requires appraisal rather than simple accounting. Valuation itself is not an exact science. Professional appraisers frequently reach different conclusions regarding the same property because valuation depends upon assumptions about future income, comparable sales, replacement costs, market demand, discount rates, and economic expectations.

Consider a privately owned manufacturing company. Its value depends upon anticipated future profits, management quality, technological change, competition, interest rates, customer relationships, and numerous other uncertain variables. Reasonable experts can differ dramatically in estimating its worth.

This subjectivity introduces uncertainty into the tax system. Every annual assessment becomes a potential source of disagreement between taxpayers and tax authorities.

3.     The Birth of an Entire Valuation Industry

A national wealth tax would almost certainly create an entirely new professional sector devoted to estimating wealth. Thousands of specialists would likely emerge in fields such as:


·                 Business valuation

·                 Commercial real estate appraisal

·                 Agricultural land assessment

·                 Fine art authentication

·                 Antique appraisal

·                 Jewelry valuation

·                 Intellectual property assessment

·                 Mineral reserve estimation

·                 Financial consulting

·                 Tax planning

·                 Estate valuation

·                 Forensic accounting


 

Many of these professions already exist, but their importance would expand dramatically if annual wealth assessments became mandatory for millions of taxpayers. The demand for valuation experts would increase not because society was producing additional goods or services, but because government required estimates of taxable wealth.

Economists sometimes distinguish between productive activity and what is known as rent-seeking—the use of resources to obtain financial advantages without creating corresponding increases in economic output. While valuation professionals provide legitimate services, much of the additional effort generated by a wealth tax would consist of determining tax liabilities rather than producing new wealth.

The result is that highly educated professionals who might otherwise devote their talents to engineering, medicine, scientific research, or entrepreneurship could instead spend substantial portions of their careers determining the taxable value of existing assets.

 

4.     Endless Litigation

Whenever taxation depends upon subjective valuation, disagreement becomes inevitable. Taxpayers naturally seek lower assessments, while governments seek higher ones. Since many assets lack objective market prices, disputes become commonplace.

Questions likely to appear before courts include:

·                 What is a privately owned business worth?

·                 How should patents be valued?

·                 What discount should apply to minority ownership interests?

·                 How should family partnerships be assessed?

·                 What is the fair value of artwork that rarely changes hands?

·                 How should anticipated future earnings be incorporated into present value?

Each question may require testimony from economists, accountants, investment bankers, appraisers, and industry specialists. Large wealth taxes therefore risk creating an expanding body of litigation whose outcomes remain uncertain for years. The legal costs extend beyond government expenditures. Taxpayers themselves bear significant expenses in defending valuations, hiring experts, and pursuing appeals.

Ultimately, much of the money devoted to resolving valuation disputes produces no additional goods, services, or innovation. Instead, it represents an economic cost generated solely by the mechanics of tax administration.

5.     Corruption and Administrative Discretion

Objective taxes leave relatively little room for discretion. Subjective taxes inevitably grant government officials greater authority.

Whenever tax administrators possess the power to determine estimated values, opportunities arise for unequal treatment. Potential abuses include:

·             Favorable valuations for politically connected individuals

·             Selective audits

·             Delayed enforcement

·             Preferential settlements

·             Informal negotiations

·             Political retaliation

·             Bribery

Even where corruption remains uncommon, the appearance of unequal treatment can damage public confidence in the fairness of government institutions.

Tax systems depend heavily upon voluntary compliance. Citizens are generally more willing to pay taxes when they believe others are treated equally under the law. A system based extensively upon subjective judgment may therefore weaken confidence in the impartiality of tax administration.

6.     The Rise of Wealth Concealment

History demonstrates that every tax creates incentives to reduce its impact. Wealth taxes would almost certainly stimulate remarkable creativity in concealing or restructuring assets. A sophisticated industry would likely develop around legal wealth minimization. Strategies might include:


·             Offshore trusts

·             Shell corporations

·             Family limited partnerships

·             Holding companies

·             Artificial debt arrangements

·             Charitable foundations

·             Nominee ownership

·             Fractional ownership interests

·             International business structures

·             Precious-metal storage abroad

·             Cryptocurrency holdings

·             Deferred ownership agreements


 

Some methods would be entirely legal forms of tax planning. Others would cross into illegal tax evasion.

As tax rates increase, so does the financial reward for discovering new methods of reducing taxable wealth.

The result is an ongoing competition between government enforcement agencies and private financial advisers. Each new regulation encourages additional innovation, while every new avoidance strategy invites further legislation.

Ironically, the tax itself may create an expanding industry whose principal objective is not creating wealth but concealing or reorganizing it.

7.     Capital Flight and Taxpayer Mobility

Unlike land, financial capital can move rapidly across national borders.

Businesses may relocate headquarters. Investors may purchase foreign securities. Intellectual property may be transferred to international subsidiaries. Wealthy individuals themselves may establish residence in lower-tax jurisdictions.

Modern economies have become increasingly global. Capital now crosses international boundaries with remarkable ease, often requiring little more than electronic financial transactions. A wealth tax therefore creates incentives not only to conceal wealth but also to relocate it.

The resulting reduction in domestic investment may affect entrepreneurship, employment, technological innovation, and economic growth.

Governments frequently respond through international reporting agreements, anti-avoidance legislation, and expanded information sharing among tax authorities. Although such measures improve enforcement, they also increase administrative complexity and compliance costs.

8.     Reduced Investment and Entrepreneurship

A wealth tax differs fundamentally from an income tax because it applies whether or not an asset generates current income.

Entrepreneurs frequently possess businesses valued at millions of dollars while drawing relatively modest salaries. Farmers may own valuable land despite experiencing years of poor harvests. Investors may hold rapidly appreciating assets that produce little immediate cash flow. Under these circumstances, annual wealth taxes may require taxpayers to liquidate productive assets simply to satisfy tax obligations. Business owners may delay expansion, reduce hiring, postpone research projects, or seek additional borrowing to generate sufficient cash.

Prospective entrepreneurs may also perceive successful business creation as less attractive if future wealth accumulation results in substantial recurring tax obligations independent of business profitability.

Over time, these incentives may reduce business formation and long-term investment.

9.     Taxation Without Liquidity

One of the most frequently discussed practical problems of wealth taxation concerns liquidity. Many wealthy individuals possess substantial assets while maintaining relatively modest annual cash income. Examples include:

·                 Retired farmers

·                 Owners of family businesses

·                 Individuals inheriting valuable land

·                 Timber owners

·                 Collectors of valuable artwork

·                 Owners of mineral rights

These individuals may be wealthy on paper but possess insufficient cash to satisfy annual tax obligations. Consequently, they may be forced to borrow money or sell productive assets simply to pay taxes. Such sales need not occur because the owner wishes to dispose of the property but because taxation requires converting long-term wealth into immediate cash. Critics argue that this may gradually dismantle family businesses, farms, and other productive enterprises that have accumulated over generations.

10.  Administrative Complexity

Among all forms of taxation, wealth taxes are perhaps the most administratively demanding.

An effective system requires governments to establish extensive bureaucracies responsible for identifying assets, determining ownership, assigning valuations, auditing returns, investigating concealed wealth, resolving disputes, and enforcing payment. Such an administrative system would require:


·                 Valuation specialists

·                 Certified appraisers

·                 Tax auditors

·                 Forensic accountants

·                 Financial investigators

·                 Administrative judges

·                 Appeals boards

·                 Information technology specialists

·                 International compliance officers

·                 Legal counsel


Governments would also require continual updating of valuation methodologies as financial markets evolve and new forms of wealth emerge.

Artificial intelligence, digital assets, decentralized finance, tokenized securities, and other financial innovations would continually challenge existing regulations.

Administrative expenses therefore become an important consideration. Gross tax collections alone do not determine the effectiveness of a wealth tax. Policymakers must also consider the substantial costs of administering, enforcing, auditing, and defending the system in courts.

As many countries have discovered, the difference between gross revenue and net revenue may be considerably larger than initially anticipated.

11.  Political Pressure and the Growth of Exemptions

Few taxes remain simple for long. A tax code that begins with a single rate applied uniformly across all forms of wealth inevitably becomes subject to political negotiation. Individuals, industries, and interest groups seek exemptions, special treatment, and favorable valuation rules. Over time, the original simplicity of the tax gives way to an increasingly intricate web of exceptions.

Owners of family farms may argue that taxing agricultural land threatens generational continuity. Small business owners may contend that privately held companies should receive preferential treatment because they create employment. Retirees may seek exemptions for retirement accounts. Collectors and museums may lobby for special treatment of works of art and historical artifacts. Conservation organizations may request exemptions for environmentally protected land, while charitable foundations may seek expanded exclusions.

Each exemption may appear reasonable when considered individually. Collectively, however, they gradually erode the tax base while increasing administrative complexity. Tax authorities must determine not only the value of assets but also whether those assets qualify for preferential treatment under an ever-expanding body of regulations.

The result is a paradox. To preserve political support, governments often narrow the tax through exemptions. Yet each exemption reduces revenue, requiring either higher tax rates on the remaining taxable wealth or acceptance of lower-than-expected collections.

12.  Distortion of Economic Decisions

Economists have long recognized that taxation influences behavior. Individuals and businesses do not simply pay taxes; they respond to them.

A wealth tax may encourage investors to make decisions based partly upon tax consequences rather than economic merit. Capital may be shifted away from assets that appreciate significantly in value toward assets receiving favorable treatment under the tax code. Businesses may alter ownership structures, increase debt financing, or reorganize corporate entities primarily to reduce taxable wealth rather than to improve productivity.

These responses represent what economists describe as economic distortions. Resources become allocated according to tax incentives rather than market efficiency.

The cumulative effects may include:

·                 Reduced long-term investment

·                 Delayed business expansion

·                 Less efficient allocation of capital

·                 Increased financial engineering

·                 Greater complexity in corporate ownership

Although every tax influences behavior to some degree, taxes imposed directly upon accumulated wealth may have particularly broad effects because they influence decisions regarding savings, investment, inheritance, business formation, and long-term capital accumulation simultaneously.

13.  Privacy Concerns

Administering a comprehensive wealth tax requires governments to possess detailed knowledge of their citizens' financial affairs. Tax authorities would likely require disclosure of:


·                 Bank accounts

·                 Investment portfolios

·                 Business ownership interests

·                 Trusts

·                 Real estate holdings

·                 Precious metals

·                 Jewelry

·                 Works of art

·                 Collectibles

·                 Intellectual property

·                 Overseas assets

·                 Partnership interests

·                 Cryptocurrency holdings


Such reporting requirements would significantly expand the amount of personal financial information maintained by government agencies.

Supporters argue that comprehensive disclosure is essential for fair enforcement and preventing tax evasion. Critics respond that requiring citizens to inventory nearly every significant asset raises legitimate concerns regarding financial privacy, data security, and governmental overreach.

The larger and more comprehensive the database becomes, the greater the importance of safeguarding confidential financial information from misuse, unauthorized disclosure, or cyberattack.

14.  Why Revenue May Fall Short of Expectations

The principal objective of a wealth tax is usually to generate additional government revenue. Yet experience suggests that actual collections may differ substantially from initial projections. At first glance, the calculation appears simple:

Taxable wealth × tax rate = expected revenue.

Suppose policymakers estimate that the nation contains $20 trillion in taxable wealth and impose a two-percent annual wealth tax. The anticipated revenue would appear to be $400 billion. In practice, however, several factors reduce the effective tax base.

Some wealth may be transferred abroad. Other assets may receive legislative exemptions. Taxpayers may legally restructure ownership to reduce taxable value. Valuation disputes may lower assessments. Some assets may become difficult to identify or accurately appraise. Administrative costs reduce net collections, while litigation delays payment.

Consequently, the actual taxable base may become significantly smaller than originally anticipated. If government spending commitments remain unchanged, policymakers may conclude that tax rates should be increased. Higher rates, however, strengthen incentives for additional avoidance, relocation, and restructuring.

This interaction illustrates an important principle of public finance: tax revenue depends not only upon tax rates but also upon taxpayer behavior. When taxpayers significantly alter their behavior in response to taxation, increasing statutory rates may produce diminishing returns.

15.  The Emergence of a Wealth Concealment Economy

One of the less frequently discussed consequences of a wealth tax is the emergence of an entire economic sector devoted primarily to minimizing reported wealth.

History demonstrates that whenever governments create new reporting requirements, private markets develop corresponding services designed to reduce legal liability. Under a national wealth tax, specialists might increasingly focus on:

·                 International trust formation

·                 Asset protection planning

·                 Corporate restructuring

·                 Valuation consulting

·                 Offshore financial management

·                 Estate planning

·                 Ownership restructuring

·                 International residency planning

While many of these activities are entirely lawful, they consume highly skilled labor without directly increasing national productivity. Instead of developing new technologies, founding businesses, or conducting scientific research, substantial intellectual effort becomes devoted to reducing tax exposure.

Some economists describe these activities as compliance costs or avoidance costs. Although individually rational, they represent resources devoted to navigating the tax system rather than producing additional economic value.

16.  How the Burden May Trickle Down

Although wealth taxes are generally directed toward households possessing substantial assets, their economic consequences may extend well beyond the individuals who write the tax checks.

Business owners facing recurring wealth taxes may seek ways to preserve profitability. One response is to increase prices where market conditions permit. Another is to reduce costs through slower wage growth, postponed hiring, reduced employee benefits, or delayed expansion. Investment projects that would otherwise have proceeded may be deferred or abandoned.

Family-owned businesses operating with limited cash flow may reduce capital expenditures or modernization efforts. Smaller suppliers dependent upon those businesses may experience reduced orders. Communities relying upon local employers may see slower job growth.

Landlords confronted with higher costs may attempt to increase rents where competitive conditions allow. Investors may redirect capital toward jurisdictions offering lower tax burdens, reducing the availability of domestic investment funds for expanding businesses.

Professional compliance costs also affect the broader economy. Businesses required to retain appraisers, tax attorneys, accountants, valuation consultants, and financial advisers ultimately incorporate those expenses into the prices of goods and services.

The cumulative result is that some portion of the economic burden may be distributed among consumers, employees, suppliers, tenants, and smaller investors rather than remaining exclusively with the wealthiest taxpayers.

Economists refer to this phenomenon as tax incidence. The legal obligation to pay a tax does not necessarily determine who ultimately bears its economic cost. Depending upon market conditions, competition, and the mobility of capital, taxes imposed upon one group may be shared, in varying degrees, by many others.

The extent of these effects remains an active area of economic research and depends upon the specific design of the tax, the responsiveness of investors, and the structure of individual markets. Nevertheless, one of the principal concerns raised by critics is that taxes intended for a relatively small number of wealthy households may produce broader economic effects than originally anticipated.

17.  Historical Experience with Wealth Taxes

The experience of countries that have implemented wealth taxes provides valuable insight into the practical challenges discussed throughout this essay.

During the latter half of the twentieth century, annual net wealth taxes were relatively common among developed economies. At one point, twelve members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) imposed some form of recurring wealth tax. Over time, however, many governments concluded that these taxes generated less revenue than expected while imposing substantial administrative burdens.

Austria repealed its wealth tax in 1994. Denmark followed in 1997. Germany's wealth tax ceased after a 1995 decision by the country's Constitutional Court found aspects of its valuation system unconstitutional, leading to its effective suspension in 1997. Finland eliminated its wealth tax in 2006, as did Luxembourg. Sweden repealed its wealth tax in 2007, citing concerns that it encouraged capital flight and discouraged investment. France substantially restructured its long-standing wealth tax in 2018 by replacing its broad tax on net wealth with a narrower tax focused primarily on high-value real estate.

Other countries have taken different approaches. Spain temporarily suspended its wealth tax before later reinstating it with modifications. Norway continues to impose a national net wealth tax, while Switzerland administers wealth taxes at the cantonal level rather than through the federal government.

Although each country's experience reflects unique economic and political circumstances, several recurring themes emerge.

First, wealth taxes have generally generated a relatively small share of total government revenue compared with income taxes or consumption taxes. Second, valuation of privately held businesses, farms, artwork, and other illiquid assets has proven administratively difficult. Third, governments have devoted considerable resources to enforcement, auditing, litigation, and valuation. Fourth, policymakers have continually modified exemptions and valuation rules in response to political pressures and changing economic conditions.

The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development has concluded that wealth taxes may be effective under carefully designed circumstances, particularly when supported by broad tax bases, limited exemptions, reliable valuation methods, and strong international cooperation. At the same time, the OECD notes that these taxes involve significant administrative challenges and generally contribute only a modest portion of overall tax revenue.

The historical record therefore neither proves nor disproves the desirability of wealth taxation. Rather, it illustrates that the practical administration of such taxes is considerably more difficult than the theoretical concept might suggest. Countries that have retained wealth taxes have generally done so with substantial modifications, while many others have concluded that the administrative costs and economic consequences outweighed the fiscal benefits.

18.  Conclusion

The proposal for a national wealth tax reflects a legitimate public policy objective: raising revenue from those with the greatest accumulated resources while addressing concerns about widening wealth inequality. The underlying principle appeals to many citizens because it appears to promote fairness and shared responsibility. Yet, as with many public policies, the simplicity of the idea contrasts sharply with the complexity of its implementation.

Unlike income, wealth is often difficult to identify, measure, and value. Determining the market value of privately held businesses, family farms, artwork, mineral rights, patents, collectibles, and numerous other forms of property requires subjective judgment rather than straightforward accounting. These valuation challenges create opportunities for disagreement, litigation, and administrative discretion that are largely absent from taxes based solely upon earned income.

The administration of a wealth tax would also require an extensive professional infrastructure. Appraisers, valuation consultants, forensic accountants, tax attorneys, auditors, administrative judges, and financial investigators would become increasingly important participants in the tax system. While these professionals perform valuable services, much of their effort would be devoted to measuring, defending, disputing, or restructuring existing wealth rather than creating new productive capacity. In economic terms, a portion of society's most highly trained talent would be redirected from innovation toward compliance.

History further suggests that taxation alters incentives in ways that extend well beyond government revenue. Individuals adapt to tax laws by changing investment strategies, reorganizing ownership structures, relocating capital, or seeking lawful methods of reducing tax liability. As these responses accumulate, governments frequently discover that the taxable base is smaller than anticipated. The resulting pressure to increase tax rates or broaden enforcement may further intensify incentives for avoidance and capital mobility.

An additional concern is that the economic burden of a wealth tax may not remain confined to the individuals legally responsible for paying it. Businesses facing recurring taxes on accumulated assets may respond by reducing investment, slowing hiring, increasing prices, or postponing expansion. Landlords may seek higher rents where market conditions permit. Investors may redirect capital toward jurisdictions offering more favorable tax treatment. Thus, some of the costs of a wealth tax may ultimately be borne by employees, consumers, tenants, suppliers, and smaller investors through mechanisms that economists describe as tax incidence.

Historical experience reinforces these concerns. Numerous OECD countries adopted annual wealth taxes during the twentieth century, yet many later repealed or substantially modified them after concluding that the taxes generated relatively modest revenue while imposing significant administrative costs. Countries that continue to levy wealth taxes generally do so with substantial exemptions, carefully defined valuation rules, and ongoing legislative revisions designed to address persistent implementation challenges.

None of these observations imply that every wealth tax is necessarily unworkable or undesirable. Reasonable scholars continue to disagree about the proper balance between equity, efficiency, administrative feasibility, and economic incentives. Advocates point to the potential for reducing wealth concentration and financing important public priorities, while critics emphasize the practical difficulties documented throughout this essay.

Ultimately, the debate over wealth taxation illustrates a broader principle of public finance: successful tax policy depends not only upon fairness in theory but also upon feasibility in practice. A tax that appears elegant in concept may prove far more difficult to administer once it encounters the realities of valuation, human behavior, political incentives, and global capital markets. Policymakers considering a national wealth tax must therefore evaluate not only its anticipated revenue but also the extensive institutional machinery required to implement, enforce, and sustain it over time.

The history of taxation repeatedly demonstrates that every new tax creates new incentives, new professions, new methods of compliance, and new methods of avoidance. The central question is not whether these responses will occur, but whether the anticipated public benefits are sufficient to justify the economic, administrative, and social costs that inevitably accompany them.

We can all hope for some relief with a wealth tax. This is a myth. It could possibly destabilize our country completely.

 

References

Advani, A., Chamberlain, E., & Summers, A. (2021). A wealth tax for the UK. Harvard University Press.

Atkinson, A. B. (2015). Inequality: What can be done? Harvard University Press.

Boadway, R., Chamberlain, E., & Emmerson, C. (2020). Taxing wealth: A review of the evidence. Wealth Tax Commission.

Bird, R. M., & Zolt, E. M. (2014). Wealth taxes: A review. Tax Law Review, 67(4), 1–40.

International Monetary Fund. (2013). Fiscal monitor: Taxing times. International Monetary Fund.

International Monetary Fund. (2021). Fiscal monitor: Strengthening the credibility of public finances. International Monetary Fund.

Kopczuk, W. (2013). Taxation of intergenerational transfers and wealth. In A. J. Auerbach, R. Chetty, M. Feldstein, & E. Saez (Eds.), Handbook of public economics (Vol. 5, pp. 329–390). Elsevier.

Kopczuk, W. (2019). Economics of estate taxation: Review of recent literature. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 33(4), 51–72.

Mirrlees, J., Adam, S., Besley, T., Blundell, R., Bond, S., Chote, R., Gammie, M., Johnson, P., Myles, G., & Poterba, J. (2011). Tax by design. Oxford University Press.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2018). The role and design of net wealth taxes in the OECD (OECD Tax Policy Studies No. 26). OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264290303-en

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2021). Tax policy reforms 2021: OECD and selected partner economies. OECD Publishing.

Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. Harvard University Press.

Piketty, T. (2020). Capital and ideology. Harvard University Press.

Saez, E., & Zucman, G. (2019). The triumph of injustice: How the rich dodge taxes and how to make them pay. W. W. Norton.

Summers, L. H. (2019). On wealth taxes. The Washington Center for Equitable Growth. https://equitablegrowth.org

Tax Foundation. (2024). Wealth taxes in Europe and around the world. https://taxfoundation.org

Wealth Tax Commission. (2020). Taxing wealth: The evidence. Wealth Tax Commission.

Zucman, G. (2015). The hidden wealth of nations: The scourge of tax havens. University of Chicago Press.

Zucman, G., & Saez, E. (2019). Progressive wealth taxation. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Fall, 437–533.

 

©2026 G Donald Allen

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