Prologue
Standing before many of us is the advent
of a wealth tax. It is to be first upon billionaires, but as we all know, it
will creep downward, down to millionaires. There is a movement to make it a
national tax, with states like New York and California hoping to keep their wealthy
from defecting. This is the setting.
The details are where the true
horror lies, and the details are the administration of such a tax. This article
is about those details. What we propose is that a wealth tax is so complex that
our current legislatures are incapable of writing it. Moreover, it opens
endless possibilities for fraud, litigation, graft, bribery, and all manner of corruption.
Below we give the section headings, so you can skip around as desired.
I’m not supporting the
billionaires, because they will find a way to defeat the system. It will be the
rest of us, the not-so-wealthy, who will cover the true costs of the wealth
tax. Heck, I’m a retired professor and have just enough for my remaining years.
1.
Introduction.
2.
The
Challenge of Valuing Wealth
3.
The
Birth of a Valuation Industry
4.
Endless
Litigation
5.
Corruption
and Administrative Discretion
6.
The
Rise of Wealth Concealment
7.
Capital
Flight and Taxpayer Mobility
8.
Reduced
Investment and Entrepreneurship
9.
Taxation
Without Liquidity
10. Administrative Complexity
11. Political Pressure and Growing
Complexity
12. Distortion of Economic Decisions
13. Privacy Concerns
14. Why Revenue May Fall Short of
Expectations
15. The Emergence of a Wealth
Concealment Economy
16. How the Burden May Trickle Down
17. Historical Experience with Wealth
Taxes
18. Conclusion
References (APA 7th edition)
1.
Introduction
The
idea of a national wealth tax has attracted increasing attention in recent
years as governments seek new sources of revenue while addressing widening
disparities in wealth. Unlike an income tax, which applies to earnings
generated during a given period, a wealth tax is imposed on the accumulated
value of assets such as real estate, stocks, bonds, privately owned businesses,
artwork, jewelry, patents, and other forms of property. Advocates argue that
individuals possessing the greatest wealth should contribute a larger share
toward financing public services and that such a tax could reduce economic
inequality.
At
first glance, the concept appears straightforward. Determine the value of an individual's assets,
apply a percentage, and collect the resulting tax. Yet beneath this apparent
simplicity lies one of the most administratively challenging forms of taxation
ever proposed. Wealth is often difficult to value, highly mobile, legally
complex, and remarkably adaptable to changing tax laws. Consequently, a
national wealth tax would require an extensive administrative apparatus unlike
that required for most existing taxes.
History
suggests that taxation rarely changes only government revenue. It also changes
human behavior. Individuals, businesses, investors, and financial professionals
inevitably adapt to new incentives. Every tax creates opportunities for
avoidance, every regulation encourages innovation, and every valuation system
invites disagreement. These responses often reduce the effectiveness of the tax
while increasing its cost.
The
purpose of this essay is not to argue that governments should never tax wealth.
Rather, it is to examine the practical difficulties that accompany such
proposals. These include subjective asset valuation, the creation of entirely
new professions devoted to appraisal and tax planning, increased litigation,
opportunities for corruption, the development of sophisticated methods of
concealing wealth, capital flight, reduced investment, administrative
complexity, and the possibility that much of the economic burden may ultimately
fall upon individuals who were never intended to pay the tax directly.
The
history of wealth taxation demonstrates that good intentions alone do not
guarantee effective public policy. Every tax operates within a complex economic
system, and policies designed to affect one group frequently produce unintended
consequences extending far beyond their original targets.
2.
The
Challenge of Valuing Wealth
The
greatest practical obstacle confronting any wealth tax is determining what
wealth is actually worth. Unlike wages or salaries, which are recorded through
payroll systems, accumulated wealth frequently consists of assets that have no
readily observable market price. Publicly traded securities can usually be
valued from daily market quotations, but many forms of wealth cannot.
Examples
include:
·
Family
businesses
·
Farms
and ranches
·
Timberland
·
Mineral
rights
·
Oil
and gas leases
·
Patents
·
Copyrights
·
Collectibles
·
Rare
coins
·
Fine
art
·
Historic
autos
·
Livestock
breeding operations
·
Sports
franchises
·
Intellectual
prop
·
Venture
capital
Each
of these assets requires appraisal rather than simple accounting. Valuation
itself is not an exact science. Professional appraisers frequently reach
different conclusions regarding the same property because valuation depends
upon assumptions about future income, comparable sales, replacement costs,
market demand, discount rates, and economic expectations.
Consider
a privately owned manufacturing company. Its value depends upon anticipated
future profits, management quality, technological change, competition, interest
rates, customer relationships, and numerous other uncertain variables.
Reasonable experts can differ dramatically in estimating its worth.
This
subjectivity introduces uncertainty into the tax system. Every annual
assessment becomes a potential source of disagreement between taxpayers and tax
authorities.
3.
The
Birth of an Entire Valuation Industry
A
national wealth tax would almost certainly create an entirely new professional
sector devoted to estimating wealth. Thousands of specialists would likely
emerge in fields such as:
·
Business
valuation
·
Commercial
real estate appraisal
·
Agricultural
land assessment
·
Fine
art authentication
·
Antique
appraisal
·
Jewelry
valuation
·
Intellectual
property assessment
·
Mineral
reserve estimation
·
Financial
consulting
·
Tax
planning
·
Estate
valuation
·
Forensic
accounting
Many
of these professions already exist, but their importance would expand
dramatically if annual wealth assessments became mandatory for millions of
taxpayers. The demand for valuation experts would increase not because society
was producing additional goods or services, but because government required
estimates of taxable wealth.
Economists
sometimes distinguish between productive activity and what is known as rent-seeking—the
use of resources to obtain financial advantages without creating corresponding
increases in economic output. While valuation professionals provide legitimate
services, much of the additional effort generated by a wealth tax would consist
of determining tax liabilities rather than producing new wealth.
The
result is that highly educated professionals who might otherwise devote their
talents to engineering, medicine, scientific research, or entrepreneurship
could instead spend substantial portions of their careers determining the
taxable value of existing assets.
4.
Endless
Litigation
Whenever
taxation depends upon subjective valuation, disagreement becomes inevitable. Taxpayers
naturally seek lower assessments, while governments seek higher ones. Since
many assets lack objective market prices, disputes become commonplace.
Questions
likely to appear before courts include:
·
What
is a privately owned business worth?
·
How
should patents be valued?
·
What
discount should apply to minority ownership interests?
·
How
should family partnerships be assessed?
·
What
is the fair value of artwork that rarely changes hands?
·
How
should anticipated future earnings be incorporated into present value?
Each
question may require testimony from economists, accountants, investment
bankers, appraisers, and industry specialists. Large wealth taxes therefore
risk creating an expanding body of litigation whose outcomes remain uncertain
for years. The legal costs extend beyond government expenditures. Taxpayers
themselves bear significant expenses in defending valuations, hiring experts,
and pursuing appeals.
Ultimately,
much of the money devoted to resolving valuation disputes produces no
additional goods, services, or innovation. Instead, it represents an economic
cost generated solely by the mechanics of tax administration.
5.
Corruption
and Administrative Discretion
Objective
taxes leave relatively little room for discretion. Subjective taxes inevitably
grant government officials greater authority.
Whenever
tax administrators possess the power to determine estimated values,
opportunities arise for unequal treatment. Potential abuses include:
·
Favorable
valuations for politically connected individuals
·
Selective
audits
·
Delayed
enforcement
·
Preferential
settlements
·
Informal
negotiations
·
Political
retaliation
·
Bribery
Even
where corruption remains uncommon, the appearance of unequal treatment can
damage public confidence in the fairness of government institutions.
Tax
systems depend heavily upon voluntary compliance. Citizens are generally more
willing to pay taxes when they believe others are treated equally under the
law. A system based extensively upon subjective judgment may therefore weaken
confidence in the impartiality of tax administration.
6.
The
Rise of Wealth Concealment
History
demonstrates that every tax creates incentives to reduce its impact. Wealth
taxes would almost certainly stimulate remarkable creativity in concealing or
restructuring assets. A sophisticated industry would likely develop around
legal wealth minimization. Strategies might include:
·
Offshore
trusts
·
Shell
corporations
·
Family
limited partnerships
·
Holding
companies
·
Artificial
debt arrangements
·
Charitable
foundations
·
Nominee
ownership
·
Fractional
ownership interests
·
International
business structures
·
Precious-metal
storage abroad
·
Cryptocurrency
holdings
·
Deferred
ownership agreements
Some
methods would be entirely legal forms of tax planning. Others would cross into
illegal tax evasion.
As
tax rates increase, so does the financial reward for discovering new methods of
reducing taxable wealth.
The
result is an ongoing competition between government enforcement agencies and
private financial advisers. Each new regulation encourages additional
innovation, while every new avoidance strategy invites further legislation.
Ironically,
the tax itself may create an expanding industry whose principal objective is
not creating wealth but concealing or reorganizing it.
7.
Capital
Flight and Taxpayer Mobility
Unlike
land, financial capital can move rapidly across national borders.
Businesses
may relocate headquarters. Investors may purchase foreign securities.
Intellectual property may be transferred to international subsidiaries. Wealthy
individuals themselves may establish residence in lower-tax jurisdictions.
Modern
economies have become increasingly global. Capital now crosses international
boundaries with remarkable ease, often requiring little more than electronic
financial transactions. A wealth tax therefore creates incentives not only to
conceal wealth but also to relocate it.
The
resulting reduction in domestic investment may affect entrepreneurship,
employment, technological innovation, and economic growth.
Governments
frequently respond through international reporting agreements, anti-avoidance
legislation, and expanded information sharing among tax authorities. Although
such measures improve enforcement, they also increase administrative complexity
and compliance costs.
8.
Reduced
Investment and Entrepreneurship
A
wealth tax differs fundamentally from an income tax because it applies whether
or not an asset generates current income.
Entrepreneurs
frequently possess businesses valued at millions of dollars while drawing
relatively modest salaries. Farmers may own valuable land despite experiencing
years of poor harvests. Investors may hold rapidly appreciating assets that
produce little immediate cash flow. Under these circumstances, annual wealth
taxes may require taxpayers to liquidate productive assets simply to satisfy
tax obligations. Business owners may delay expansion, reduce hiring, postpone
research projects, or seek additional borrowing to generate sufficient cash.
Prospective
entrepreneurs may also perceive successful business creation as less attractive
if future wealth accumulation results in substantial recurring tax obligations
independent of business profitability.
Over
time, these incentives may reduce business formation and long-term investment.
9.
Taxation
Without Liquidity
One
of the most frequently discussed practical problems of wealth taxation concerns
liquidity. Many wealthy individuals possess substantial assets while
maintaining relatively modest annual cash income. Examples include:
·
Retired
farmers
·
Owners
of family businesses
·
Individuals
inheriting valuable land
·
Timber
owners
·
Collectors
of valuable artwork
·
Owners
of mineral rights
These
individuals may be wealthy on paper but possess insufficient cash to satisfy
annual tax obligations. Consequently, they may be forced to borrow money or
sell productive assets simply to pay taxes. Such sales need not occur because
the owner wishes to dispose of the property but because taxation requires
converting long-term wealth into immediate cash. Critics argue that this may
gradually dismantle family businesses, farms, and other productive enterprises
that have accumulated over generations.
10. Administrative Complexity
Among
all forms of taxation, wealth taxes are perhaps the most administratively
demanding.
An
effective system requires governments to establish extensive bureaucracies
responsible for identifying assets, determining ownership, assigning
valuations, auditing returns, investigating concealed wealth, resolving
disputes, and enforcing payment. Such an administrative system would require:
·
Valuation
specialists
·
Certified
appraisers
·
Tax
auditors
·
Forensic
accountants
·
Financial
investigators
·
Administrative
judges
·
Appeals
boards
·
Information
technology specialists
·
International
compliance officers
·
Legal
counsel
Governments
would also require continual updating of valuation methodologies as financial
markets evolve and new forms of wealth emerge.
Artificial
intelligence, digital assets, decentralized finance, tokenized securities, and
other financial innovations would continually challenge existing regulations.
Administrative
expenses therefore become an important consideration. Gross tax collections
alone do not determine the effectiveness of a wealth tax. Policymakers must
also consider the substantial costs of administering, enforcing, auditing, and
defending the system in courts.
As
many countries have discovered, the difference between gross revenue and net
revenue may be considerably larger than initially anticipated.
11. Political Pressure and the Growth
of Exemptions
Few
taxes remain simple for long. A tax code that begins with a single rate applied
uniformly across all forms of wealth inevitably becomes subject to political
negotiation. Individuals, industries, and interest groups seek exemptions,
special treatment, and favorable valuation rules. Over time, the original
simplicity of the tax gives way to an increasingly intricate web of exceptions.
Owners
of family farms may argue that taxing agricultural land threatens generational
continuity. Small business owners may contend that privately held companies
should receive preferential treatment because they create employment. Retirees
may seek exemptions for retirement accounts. Collectors and museums may lobby
for special treatment of works of art and historical artifacts. Conservation
organizations may request exemptions for environmentally protected land, while
charitable foundations may seek expanded exclusions.
Each
exemption may appear reasonable when considered individually. Collectively,
however, they gradually erode the tax base while increasing administrative
complexity. Tax authorities must determine not only the value of assets but
also whether those assets qualify for preferential treatment under an
ever-expanding body of regulations.
The
result is a paradox. To preserve political support, governments often narrow
the tax through exemptions. Yet each exemption reduces revenue, requiring
either higher tax rates on the remaining taxable wealth or acceptance of
lower-than-expected collections.
12. Distortion of Economic Decisions
Economists
have long recognized that taxation influences behavior. Individuals and
businesses do not simply pay taxes; they respond to them.
A
wealth tax may encourage investors to make decisions based partly upon tax
consequences rather than economic merit. Capital may be shifted away from
assets that appreciate significantly in value toward assets receiving favorable
treatment under the tax code. Businesses may alter ownership structures,
increase debt financing, or reorganize corporate entities primarily to reduce
taxable wealth rather than to improve productivity.
These
responses represent what economists describe as economic distortions. Resources
become allocated according to tax incentives rather than market efficiency.
The
cumulative effects may include:
·
Reduced
long-term investment
·
Delayed
business expansion
·
Less
efficient allocation of capital
·
Increased
financial engineering
·
Greater
complexity in corporate ownership
Although
every tax influences behavior to some degree, taxes imposed directly upon
accumulated wealth may have particularly broad effects because they influence
decisions regarding savings, investment, inheritance, business formation, and
long-term capital accumulation simultaneously.
13. Privacy Concerns
Administering
a comprehensive wealth tax requires governments to possess detailed knowledge
of their citizens' financial affairs. Tax authorities would likely require
disclosure of:
·
Bank
accounts
·
Investment
portfolios
·
Business
ownership interests
·
Trusts
·
Real
estate holdings
·
Precious
metals
·
Jewelry
·
Works
of art
·
Collectibles
·
Intellectual
property
·
Overseas
assets
·
Partnership
interests
·
Cryptocurrency
holdings
Such
reporting requirements would significantly expand the amount of personal
financial information maintained by government agencies.
Supporters
argue that comprehensive disclosure is essential for fair enforcement and
preventing tax evasion. Critics respond that requiring citizens to inventory
nearly every significant asset raises legitimate concerns regarding financial
privacy, data security, and governmental overreach.
The
larger and more comprehensive the database becomes, the greater the importance
of safeguarding confidential financial information from misuse, unauthorized
disclosure, or cyberattack.
14. Why Revenue May Fall Short of
Expectations
The
principal objective of a wealth tax is usually to generate additional
government revenue. Yet experience suggests that actual collections may differ
substantially from initial projections. At first glance, the calculation
appears simple:
Taxable
wealth × tax rate = expected revenue.
Suppose
policymakers estimate that the nation contains $20 trillion in taxable wealth
and impose a two-percent annual wealth tax. The anticipated revenue would
appear to be $400 billion. In practice, however, several factors reduce the
effective tax base.
Some
wealth may be transferred abroad. Other assets may receive legislative
exemptions. Taxpayers may legally restructure ownership to reduce taxable
value. Valuation disputes may lower assessments. Some assets may become
difficult to identify or accurately appraise. Administrative costs reduce net
collections, while litigation delays payment.
Consequently,
the actual taxable base may become significantly smaller than originally
anticipated. If government spending commitments remain unchanged, policymakers
may conclude that tax rates should be increased. Higher rates, however,
strengthen incentives for additional avoidance, relocation, and restructuring.
This
interaction illustrates an important principle of public finance: tax revenue
depends not only upon tax rates but also upon taxpayer behavior. When taxpayers
significantly alter their behavior in response to taxation, increasing
statutory rates may produce diminishing returns.
15. The Emergence of a Wealth
Concealment Economy
One
of the less frequently discussed consequences of a wealth tax is the emergence
of an entire economic sector devoted primarily to minimizing reported wealth.
History
demonstrates that whenever governments create new reporting requirements,
private markets develop corresponding services designed to reduce legal
liability. Under a national wealth tax, specialists might increasingly focus
on:
·
International
trust formation
·
Asset
protection planning
·
Corporate
restructuring
·
Valuation
consulting
·
Offshore
financial management
·
Estate
planning
·
Ownership
restructuring
·
International
residency planning
While
many of these activities are entirely lawful, they consume highly skilled labor
without directly increasing national productivity. Instead of developing new
technologies, founding businesses, or conducting scientific research,
substantial intellectual effort becomes devoted to reducing tax exposure.
Some
economists describe these activities as compliance costs or avoidance costs.
Although individually rational, they represent resources devoted to navigating
the tax system rather than producing additional economic value.
16. How the Burden May Trickle Down
Although
wealth taxes are generally directed toward households possessing substantial
assets, their economic consequences may extend well beyond the individuals who
write the tax checks.
Business
owners facing recurring wealth taxes may seek ways to preserve profitability.
One response is to increase prices where market conditions permit. Another is
to reduce costs through slower wage growth, postponed hiring, reduced employee
benefits, or delayed expansion. Investment projects that would otherwise have
proceeded may be deferred or abandoned.
Family-owned
businesses operating with limited cash flow may reduce capital expenditures or
modernization efforts. Smaller suppliers dependent upon those businesses may
experience reduced orders. Communities relying upon local employers may see
slower job growth.
Landlords
confronted with higher costs may attempt to increase rents where competitive
conditions allow. Investors may redirect capital toward jurisdictions offering
lower tax burdens, reducing the availability of domestic investment funds for
expanding businesses.
Professional
compliance costs also affect the broader economy. Businesses required to retain
appraisers, tax attorneys, accountants, valuation consultants, and financial
advisers ultimately incorporate those expenses into the prices of goods and
services.
The
cumulative result is that some portion of the economic burden may be
distributed among consumers, employees, suppliers, tenants, and smaller
investors rather than remaining exclusively with the wealthiest taxpayers.
Economists
refer to this phenomenon as tax incidence. The legal obligation to pay a
tax does not necessarily determine who ultimately bears its economic cost.
Depending upon market conditions, competition, and the mobility of capital,
taxes imposed upon one group may be shared, in varying degrees, by many others.
The
extent of these effects remains an active area of economic research and depends
upon the specific design of the tax, the responsiveness of investors, and the
structure of individual markets. Nevertheless, one of the principal concerns
raised by critics is that taxes intended for a relatively small number of
wealthy households may produce broader economic effects than originally
anticipated.
17. Historical Experience with Wealth
Taxes
The
experience of countries that have implemented wealth taxes provides valuable
insight into the practical challenges discussed throughout this essay.
During
the latter half of the twentieth century, annual net wealth taxes were
relatively common among developed economies. At one point, twelve members of
the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) imposed some
form of recurring wealth tax. Over time, however, many governments concluded
that these taxes generated less revenue than expected while imposing
substantial administrative burdens.
Austria
repealed its wealth tax in 1994. Denmark followed in 1997. Germany's wealth tax
ceased after a 1995 decision by the country's Constitutional Court found
aspects of its valuation system unconstitutional, leading to its effective
suspension in 1997. Finland eliminated its wealth tax in 2006, as did
Luxembourg. Sweden repealed its wealth tax in 2007, citing concerns that it
encouraged capital flight and discouraged investment. France substantially
restructured its long-standing wealth tax in 2018 by replacing its broad tax on
net wealth with a narrower tax focused primarily on high-value real estate.
Other
countries have taken different approaches. Spain temporarily suspended its
wealth tax before later reinstating it with modifications. Norway continues to
impose a national net wealth tax, while Switzerland administers wealth taxes at
the cantonal level rather than through the federal government.
Although
each country's experience reflects unique economic and political circumstances,
several recurring themes emerge.
First,
wealth taxes have generally generated a relatively small share of total
government revenue compared with income taxes or consumption taxes. Second,
valuation of privately held businesses, farms, artwork, and other illiquid
assets has proven administratively difficult. Third, governments have devoted
considerable resources to enforcement, auditing, litigation, and valuation.
Fourth, policymakers have continually modified exemptions and valuation rules
in response to political pressures and changing economic conditions.
The
Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development has concluded that
wealth taxes may be effective under carefully designed circumstances,
particularly when supported by broad tax bases, limited exemptions, reliable
valuation methods, and strong international cooperation. At the same time, the
OECD notes that these taxes involve significant administrative challenges and
generally contribute only a modest portion of overall tax revenue.
The
historical record therefore neither proves nor disproves the desirability of
wealth taxation. Rather, it illustrates that the practical administration of
such taxes is considerably more difficult than the theoretical concept might
suggest. Countries that have retained wealth taxes have generally done so with
substantial modifications, while many others have concluded that the
administrative costs and economic consequences outweighed the fiscal benefits.
18. Conclusion
The
proposal for a national wealth tax reflects a legitimate public policy
objective: raising revenue from those with the greatest accumulated resources
while addressing concerns about widening wealth inequality. The underlying
principle appeals to many citizens because it appears to promote fairness and
shared responsibility. Yet, as with many public policies, the simplicity of the
idea contrasts sharply with the complexity of its implementation.
Unlike
income, wealth is often difficult to identify, measure, and value. Determining
the market value of privately held businesses, family farms, artwork, mineral
rights, patents, collectibles, and numerous other forms of property requires
subjective judgment rather than straightforward accounting. These valuation
challenges create opportunities for disagreement, litigation, and
administrative discretion that are largely absent from taxes based solely upon
earned income.
The
administration of a wealth tax would also require an extensive professional
infrastructure. Appraisers, valuation consultants, forensic accountants, tax
attorneys, auditors, administrative judges, and financial investigators would
become increasingly important participants in the tax system. While these
professionals perform valuable services, much of their effort would be devoted
to measuring, defending, disputing, or restructuring existing wealth rather
than creating new productive capacity. In economic terms, a portion of
society's most highly trained talent would be redirected from innovation toward
compliance.
History
further suggests that taxation alters incentives in ways that extend well
beyond government revenue. Individuals adapt to tax laws by changing investment
strategies, reorganizing ownership structures, relocating capital, or seeking
lawful methods of reducing tax liability. As these responses accumulate,
governments frequently discover that the taxable base is smaller than
anticipated. The resulting pressure to increase tax rates or broaden
enforcement may further intensify incentives for avoidance and capital
mobility.
An
additional concern is that the economic burden of a wealth tax may not remain
confined to the individuals legally responsible for paying it. Businesses
facing recurring taxes on accumulated assets may respond by reducing
investment, slowing hiring, increasing prices, or postponing expansion.
Landlords may seek higher rents where market conditions permit. Investors may
redirect capital toward jurisdictions offering more favorable tax treatment.
Thus, some of the costs of a wealth tax may ultimately be borne by employees,
consumers, tenants, suppliers, and smaller investors through mechanisms that
economists describe as tax incidence.
Historical
experience reinforces these concerns. Numerous OECD countries adopted annual
wealth taxes during the twentieth century, yet many later repealed or
substantially modified them after concluding that the taxes generated
relatively modest revenue while imposing significant administrative costs.
Countries that continue to levy wealth taxes generally do so with substantial
exemptions, carefully defined valuation rules, and ongoing legislative
revisions designed to address persistent implementation challenges.
None
of these observations imply that every wealth tax is necessarily unworkable or
undesirable. Reasonable scholars continue to disagree about the proper balance
between equity, efficiency, administrative feasibility, and economic
incentives. Advocates point to the potential for reducing wealth concentration
and financing important public priorities, while critics emphasize the
practical difficulties documented throughout this essay.
Ultimately,
the debate over wealth taxation illustrates a broader principle of public
finance: successful tax policy depends not only upon fairness in theory but
also upon feasibility in practice. A tax that appears elegant in concept may
prove far more difficult to administer once it encounters the realities of
valuation, human behavior, political incentives, and global capital markets.
Policymakers considering a national wealth tax must therefore evaluate not only
its anticipated revenue but also the extensive institutional machinery required
to implement, enforce, and sustain it over time.
The
history of taxation repeatedly demonstrates that every new tax creates new
incentives, new professions, new methods of compliance, and new methods of
avoidance. The central question is not whether these responses will occur, but
whether the anticipated public benefits are sufficient to justify the economic,
administrative, and social costs that inevitably accompany them.
We
can all hope for some relief with a wealth tax. This is a myth. It could
possibly destabilize our country completely.
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©2026 G
Donald Allen
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